For a time it puzzled me that after 50 years of tumultuous change the media liberal attitudes could remain almost identical to those I shared in the 1950s. Then it gradually dawned on me: my BBC media liberalism was not a political philosophy, even less a political programme. It was an ideology based not on observation and deduction but on faith and doctrine. We were rather weak on facts and figures, on causes and consequences, and shied away from arguments about practicalities. If defeated on one point we just retreated to another; we did not change our beliefs. We were, of course, believers in democracy. The trouble was that our understanding of it was structurally simplistic and politically naïve. It did not go much further than one-adult-one-vote.
We ignored the whole truth, namely that modern Western civilisation stands on four pillars, and elected governments is only one of them. Equally important is the rule of law. The other two are economic: the right to own private property and the right to buy and sell your property, goods, services and labour. (Freedom of speech, worship, and association derive from them; with an elected government and the rule of law a nation can choose how much it wants of each). We never got this far with our analysis. The two economic freedoms led straight to the heresy of free enterprise capitalism - and yet without them any meaningful freedom is impossible.
But analysis was irrelevant to us. Ultimately, it was not a question of whether a policy worked but whether it was right or wrong when judged by our media liberal moral standards. There was no argument about whether, say, capital punishment worked. If retentionists came up with statistics showing that abolition increased the number of murders we simply rejected them.
The same moral imperatives determined our attitude to the dissolution of the British Empire. It was right, so there was no further argument. We would not even discuss whether the prosperity and happiness of the Ugandans or the Rhodesians or the Nigerians would be better served by a partial or more gradual transfer of power; it had to be total and it had to be immediate. We were horrified by the arrogant way our grandparents' generation had used their political and economic power to impose Christianity on religiously backward peoples. Were we, as missionaries for democracy, not guilty of imposing media liberal democracy in exactly the same way?
His conclusion is a bit kinder than the evidence would lead me to be. I don't think the BBC is dedicated to an "ideology of opposition," but rather that of an undeclared and tax-funded political party with its own agenda, but still Mr. Jay's article is a ray of light in a dark cupboard that's been sealed too long.
3 comments:
"...but rather that of an undeclared and tax-funded political party with its own agenda..."
Try Pravda transmigrated, David.
The Beeb and their counterparts here in the States have taken up Lenin's banner in being the foremost critic of Westernism, capitalism, republicanism, patriotism, intellectualism and rationalism.
In a more enlightened time, they would have been descried as the treasonous Bolsheviks that they are.
Did the BBC have a problem with this?
http://counter-x.net/tintin/books/01_soviets.html
Still... I'd like to think they made up for it with Doctor Who.
Post a Comment